In early 2016, the creation of the State Counsellor position for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi prompted cries of “democratic bullying” from unelected Tatmadaw MPs.

Since then, the National League for Democracy has seldom used its commanding majority in parliament to confront the military.

Though some have called this cowardice, there is a clear strategy at work. The 2008 Constitution, which entrenches military supremacy, grants the Tatmadaw an apparent veto over changes to the constitution. Therefore, the NLD must charm the Tatmadaw into accepting civilian oversight. Should this strategy one day succeed, many would be quick to consider the years of appeasement justified.

But, with less than two years to go before the next general election – and with another NLD super-majority increasingly in doubt – there is a creeping sense that Aung San Suu Kyi’s trust-building project is only making Tatmadaw generals settle more comfortably into their parliamentary and ministerial seats. This would defer the prospect of a genuinely democratic constitution even further.

That the NLD is now prepared to toy with a more adversarial approach was signalled in late January, when one of its upper house lawmakers, U Aung Kyi Nyunt, submitted an emergency motion to the Union parliament proposing a joint committee to recommend amendments to the constitution. Parliament gave a green light to the committee on February 19.

Any notion that this move had been blessed by a backroom handshake between the NLD and the Tatmadaw was dispelled by the way in which the Tatmadaw responded. Its members in parliament stood in protest and said the committee flew in the face of parliamentary procedure (though the Tatmadaw eventually conceded to depute members to it).

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Political commentators, both inside and outside Myanmar, were quick to damn the NLD’s scheme as futile, citing the need for constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75 percent of MPs, and therefore have the support of Tatmadaw members, who consistently vote as a bloc. Some suggested the move was even insincere, serving as a hollow signal of the party’s commitment towards a key electoral pledge.

But among the raft of opinion pieces, there was one that stood out. Legal consultant Mr Jason Gelbort wrote in the New York Times about an apparent loophole in the constitution, whose Article 109 describes the Tatmadaw’s share of a quarter of seats in the lower house as being a maximum allocation, not a guaranteed minimum.

Gelbort contended that this gave the NLD the constitutional leeway to use its majority in parliament to amend a corresponding section of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law in order to set a smaller quota for Tatmadaw MPs. In this way, the Tatmadaw’s veto would be abolished, opening the door to constitutional reform.

Gelbort’s article prompted praise but also sharp criticism, even derision, from scholars and analysts who considered his argument to be naive and unhelpful. Some said by way of refutation that the constitution had been painstakingly designed by the Tatmadaw to frustrate any attempts to change the document without its say-so.

But Gelbort was attempting to point out a loophole in the constitution; the intention of the original drafters is beside the point. Some critics of the article said that, though the NLD could attempt to amend the Pyithu Hluttaw law in the way suggested, it would incense the Tatmadaw and prompt a constitutional crisis, a situation that would not end well for the civilian government.

Yet, the Tatmadaw is the prime beneficiary of the current constitutional order, and is invested most in its preservation. Were this order to go into crisis, the Tatmadaw would have to fall back on raw power, which is helpful to it only in the short term.

Constitutions in all countries are subject to different interpretations, hence the existence of constitutional courts. The Tatmadaw can take comfort from an orthodoxy that presents the constitution as an ironclad guarantee of its interests and autonomy.

Seeking out loopholes, or ways of circumventing the undemocratic strictures of the constitution altogether, is a dangerous endeavour. The assassination of esteemed lawyer and constitutional expert U Ko Ni made this painfully clear. But had he still been alive today, Ko Ni might have called it a democratic duty.


NAY PYI TAW — A French tourist has been sentenced to one month in prison with labour for attempting to fly a drone near Myanmar’s parliament, a court official said Wednesday. 

Mr Arthur Desclaux, 27, was detained on February 7 in the capital and charged under an export-import law which forbids the use of “banned goods” brought in from abroad without obtaining a license. 

Myanmar has tight restrictions on drones used in the country, especially around religious and government sites. 

Desclaux “confessed” his ignorance about these laws, Judge Sulab Yadanar Oo told the courtroom after the hearing. 

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“We gave him a light sentence — one month imprisonment with labour was given to him as he confessed with sincerity that he was guilty,” the judge said. 

Speaking outside court after the verdict was delivered, a French embassy official said they were “satisfied that his good faith” was taken into account by the judge in the sentencing. 

“That said, a month in prison is still a lot for a simple tourist,” said consul Mr Frederic Inza, adding that the embassy will start making sure tourists know the risks. 

“We fear that other people might be in the same situation because the use of drones are becoming more and more common.”

The harshest sentence for the law could see offenders spending up to three years in prison. 

In 2017 journalists Mr Lau Hon Meng from Singapore and Ms Mok Choy Lin from Malaysia were making a documentary for Turkish state broadcaster TRT when they were detained in October 2017 along with Myanmar reporter Ko Aung Naing Soe and driver U Hla Tin. 

They were flying a drone outside the sprawling parliament complex, and confessed to the act thinking that they would receive a fine. 

Instead, the four were sentenced to two months in prison under Myanmar’s aircraft act. 


YANGON — Cars dangling from cranes, street shootouts and actors rappelling from roofs — Yangon residents were transfixed this week by the filming of a big-budget Hong Kong action movie around the city’s iconic Sule Pagoda.

Yangon has lent the charm of its colonial-style buildings and golden temple spires to Line Walker 2, the sequel to the 2016 blockbuster of the same name which grossed US$90 million worldwide.

Line Walker 2 stars Hong Kong heartthrob Louis Koo and Nick Cheung. 

The final day of shooting drew hundreds of people as well as a long line of robed monks crowding onto overhead pedestrian passes, craning for a view of a choreographed gunfight. 

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“It is amazing to see cars flying in the air, like in the big films,” Sai Mine, who was visiting Yangon from northern Shan State, told AFP. 

The 25-year-old had heard about the filming and begged her sisters to take her to Sule Pagoda where the smouldering remains of a car lay nearby.

Myanmar actors were cast as well, and Aung Myint Myat said he got the “amazing” opportunity to play a SWAT team leader in the film.

“I’m really proud of it,” he told AFP. 

Amateur filmmaker Thar Nge expressed delight at the chance to witness the day-long process to film a scene that plays out in seconds on the silver screen. 

“I am a big fan of action and adventure films and it is amazing for me to be able to see these moments,” the 22-year-old told AFP. 

Housemaids, especially those living in rural parts of Myanmar, are vulnerable to abuse.

This week, in partnership with Mon News Agency, Doh Athan speaks with housemaids in Mon State, who say they face regular abuse and harassment at the hands of their employees.

Mon version:

Myanmar version:

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YANGON — Hundreds gathered Wednesday in downtown Yangon for a rally urging reform of Myanmar’s controversial constitution gifting the army sweeping powers, a move Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government will discuss ahead of the 2020 elections.

The event follows the formation of a committee last week to discuss amending the military-scripted constitution, an unprecedented move as debates over it are highly sensitive.

Authored by the junta in 2008, the charter allows the military control over security ministries, and gifts them with a quarter of parliamentary seats, effectively allowing them to veto any constitutional change proposed.

The committee’s formation, voted in by a parliament dominated by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party, pits her in open opposition against the powerful army, with which she has been in an uneasy power-sharing agreement since the 2015 elections.

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Thuya Zaw | Frontier

Thuya Zaw | Frontier

Wednesday’s rally, featuring a band and speeches from pro-reform activists, drew hundreds to the iconic Sule Pagoda sporting red headbands, the NLD’s signature colour, and T-shirts saying “#WeWantChanges”.

“We cannot accept the constitution as it was not written by the representatives of the people,” Ko Mya Aye, a prominent pro-democracy leader, told the crowd.

The intent of the charter was clear to attendants, as it also bans anyone married to a foreigner from becoming president, a clause analysts believe was aimed at Aung San Suu Kyi, whose late husband was British.

“The current constitution is for the junta to maintain power, and not allow the state counsellor [Aung San Suu Kyi] to be president,” said U Thein Myint Tun, 58. 

However, he feared “it is too late” for the document to be changed with only a year until the next election.

Daw Than Than Win, 61, called it a “one-sided draft for the protection of the generals,” adding she was “very worried” about how the military would react.

Military officials over the weekend issued a sharp rebuke in a rare press conference after the committee was formed, saying they would oppose any changes to the “essence of the constitution”.

Thuya Zaw | Frontier

Thuya Zaw | Frontier

Academic Ms Melissa Crouch told AFP this “core essence” was always meant to include the military playing “a leading role” as it continues to fight ethnic armed groups in border regions.

“They have made very clear that until the ethnic armed organisations are no longer active, the military still sees it as a necessity to be involved,” said the associate law professor from University of New South Wales, an expert on the Myanmar constitution.

She added the NLD-majority committee should make the deliberation process “more transparent” and allow for public participation. 

Rally attendant U Myint Soe agreed.

“This committee is not for NLD, not for the government, and not for the MPs in parliament, but for all the people of Myanmar,” the 46-year-old told AFP.

A month after soldiers and workers turned up and fenced off their fields, farmers in South Dagon were still trying to learn who or what is behind the apparent land grab.


AT ABOUT 2pm on January 10, two large trucks carrying a Tatmadaw soldier and around 30 workers arrived in Laydaungkan village, in South Dagon Township in northeastern Yangon, and began building a fence around 210 acres of summer paddy.

Daw Khin Aye, 50, watched in dismay as six acres of land she had taken out loans to cultivate were fenced off. She is one of 26 farmers whose land is inside the perimeter, which is being guarded by soldiers and police.

“I’m worried,” she said. “I have no idea how we will eat, how we will survive, if we are not allowed to work our paddy fields.”

Khin Aye said she inherited the six acres of land from her parents. Much of their other holdings in the area were confiscated by the Ne Win regime in 1986 to create a village, Sait Pyo Mway Myu Yay, for retired soldiers; around 1,000 acres was confiscated altogether.

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Of the 210 acres that have been fenced, 125 are farmed by 10 residents from Sait Pyo Mway Myu Yay, and 85 acres by residents of Laydaungkan, like Khin Aye.

She said many of the farmers had been cultivating those fields for more than three decades. Several of them showed Frontier tax records and loan agreements from state-owned Myanmar Agriculture Development Bank as evidence. Some of the documents were from as far back as 1985 but the farmers said their records were incomplete because paperwork had been lost during Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

Khin Aye and the other affected farmers have sought help from other branches of the government, writing to the offices of the president and vice presidents, Yangon Region chief minister and Myanmar Police Force, but have received no response.

One challenge has been working out exactly which ministry, organisation or agency has confiscated the land, said U Ko Lwin, 45, who has five acres of paddy enclosed within the site.

“We have been going around [to different government offices] looking for help,” Ko Lwin said. “But at the end, we just come back home without any success.”

Workers, police and soldiers at the site just say that they have been ordered to build the fence and guard the site “from above”.

Until the farmers know who is claiming the land, they have no way of negotiating a settlement.

“We want to know who is doing this so we can negotiate with them,” Ko Lwin said. “If our farmland is beneficial for our country, we can find a way to reach an agreement. but we want to talk.”

Khin Aye’s brother, U Phoe Chit Thae, said the farmers had been mistreated but no one seemed to care.

“The 16 farmers who have lost land are from Laydaungkan village and are the original owners of the farmland. They should be recognised and compensated if the land is going to be confiscated,” he said.

The Yangon Region Land Confiscation Review Committee could not be reached for comment.

Workers build a fence to enclose more than 200 acres of farmland in South Dagon Township on February 4. (Thuya Zaw | Frontier)

Workers build a fence to enclose more than 200 acres of farmland in South Dagon Township on February 4. (Thuya Zaw | Frontier)

When Frontier visited the site on February 4, there were seven policemen and three soldiers at the site, as well as about 30 workers who were building the fence around the fields. The workers were also letting water out of the fields, despite the farmers’ protestations that doing so would kill the paddy plants. “Don’t talk to us – go and report this,” one said to a female farmer as she urged him to stop.

Police guarding the site told Frontier the orders to build the fence had come “from above”, but a soldier, Sergeant Win Naing, said they had been ordered to do so by a branch of the Garrison Engineering (GE) Corps.

As he was talking, a policeman interrupted and told Frontier not to report anything that was said, adding that they had no obligation to answer questions from the public.

For Daw Hla Yee, 58, the past month or so has been devastating. She has 12 children, five of whom are still in school, and has been the only breadwinner in the family since her husband was paralysed three years ago.

Watching the workers fence her fields was unbearable, she said. “I couldn’t look, I thought I was going to have a heart attack.”

Hla Yee said she invested around K2 million cultivating five acres of land, much of it borrowed from MADB and private moneylenders.

“Since this has happened to us, I’m constantly worried about how I’m going to pay back the debt – it keeps me up the whole night.”

But U Hla Myint, the head of the General Administration Department in South Dagon, described the farmers as “troublemakers”.

He said he was aware of the dispute but doubted the farmers’ version of events.

“[They] claim to be farmers but I doubt they are the original cultivators of that land,” he said.

He said that there was no registered farmland left in South Dagon or North Dagon townships, as it was all confiscated by the Ministry of Construction many years ago for the development of the satellite cities. However, he said some farmers had been allowed by the military to cultivate land in the townships under a “greening project”.

He confirmed the land in question was owned by the military, but said he wasn’t sure which agency of the Tatmadaw.

He said the military was likely trying to prevent people from building homes on the site without permission. “There are squatter issues all around Yangon so I think they want to prevent that from happening here,” he said. “This is a good area – I think you understand what I mean – this is why the farmers are cultivating their land here.”

တပ်မတော်အား လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အများအပြားပေးအပ်ထားသည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ပြင်ဆင်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုအား ထောက်ခံသည့် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲကို ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့၊ မွန်းလွဲပိုင်းက ရန်ကုန်မြို့လယ်၌ ကျင်းပခဲ့ရာ လူထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာ တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ဦးဆောင်သည့် အရပ်သားအစိုးရက အခြေခံဥပဒေအား ပြင်ဆင်ရေးအတွက် ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲမတိုင်မီ စတင်ဆောင်ရွက်နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။

တပ်မတော်က ရေးဆွဲထားသည့် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအား ပြင်ဆင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်တွင် ကော်မတီတစ်ခု ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့အပြီးတွင် ယခုကဲ့သို့ ထောက်ခံပွဲကျင်းပခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ပြင်ဆင်ရေးကဲ့သို့ ထိရှလွယ်သည့် ကိစ္စတစ်ခုအား အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) က မည်သူမှ မထင်မှတ်သည့်အချိန်၌ ရုတ်တရက် စတင်ခဲ့သည်။



မြို့တော်ခန်းမအနီး မဟာဗန္ဓုလပန်းခြံရှေ့၌ ကျင်းပသည့် လူထုဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်ပွဲတွင် တေးဂီတဖျော်ဖြေမှုများ၊ ပြင်ဆင်ရေးထောက်ခံသူများ၏ မိန့်ခွန်းပြောကြားမှုများ ပါဝင်ခဲ့ပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်၏ အရောင်ဖြစ်သည့် အနီရောင် ခေါင်းစီးများအား စီးထားကြသူများက “#WeWantChanges” ဟု ရေးသားထားသည့် တီရှပ်များ ဝတ်ဆင်လာကြသည်။

“ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားလှယ်တွေက ရေးဆွဲထားတာမဟုတ်တဲ့ အခြေခံဥပဒေကို ကျွန်တော်တို့ လက်မခံနိုင်ပါဘူး” ဟု ထင်ရှားသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သူ ကိုမြအေးက တက်ရောက်လာသူများအား ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။

လူထုကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ရေးဆွဲထားခြင်းမဟုတ်သည့် အခြေခံဥပဒေအား လက်မခံဟု ကိုမြအေးက ပြောကြားသည်။ ဓာတ်ပုံ-သူရဇော်

လူထုကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ ရေးဆွဲထားခြင်းမဟုတ်သည့် အခြေခံဥပဒေအား လက်မခံဟု ကိုမြအေးက ပြောကြားသည်။ ဓာတ်ပုံ-သူရဇော်

၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် စစ်အစိုးရက အတည်ပြုသွားသည့် ဖွဲ့စည်ပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေတွင် လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများကို တပ်မတော်အား အပ်နှင်းထားသလို လွှတ်တော်တွင်း နေရာလေးပုံတစ်ပုံကိုလည်း တပ်မတော်အတွက် ပေးအပ်ထားသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အခြေခံဥပဒေပြင်ဆင်ရေးအား လွှတ်တော်တွင်း၌ တားဆီးနိုင်သည့် အခွင့်အာဏာကို တပ်မတော်က ရရှိထားသည်။

“လက်ရှိအခြေခံဥပဒေက စစ်အစိုးရ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက်ပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ပြီးတော့ အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်) ကို သမ္မတဖြစ်ခွင့်မပြုဖို့ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးသိန်းမြင့်ထွန်းက ပြောသည်။

သို့သော် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကျင်းပရန် တစ်နှစ်သာလိုတော့သဖြင့် ပြင်ဆင်ရန် “အလွန်နောက်ကျနေမည်” ကို စိုးရိမ်သည်ဟုလည်း ၎င်းကပြောသည်။



ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့ကလည်း ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေပြင်ဆင်ရေးနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲတစ်ခုကို အမျိုးသားရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများဟုဆိုသူများက ဦးဆောင်ကာ အဆိုပါနေရာ၌ပင် ကျင်းပခဲ့ကြသေးသည်။ ထိုဆန္ဒပြပွဲသို့ အမျိုးသားရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူ ဦးဝီရသူလည်း တက်ရောက်လာခဲ့သည်ကိုတွေ့ရပြီး ၎င်းတို့က ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ပြင်ဆင်ရန်လိုအပ်ပါက ဥပဒေလုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဟု တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ကြသည်။

ယခုတစ်ကြိမ်တွင်မူ လူထုထောက်ခံပွဲ တက်ရောက်လာသူများက “နိုင်ငံအနာဂတ်လှပရေး ၂၀၀၈ ခြေ။ဥ အမြင်ပြင်ပေး” ဟူသည့် ကြွေးကြော်သံများအား ဟစ်ကြွေးခဲ့ကြပြီး ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံ အခြေခံဥပဒေ ပြင်ဆင်ရေးကော်မတီကို ထောက်ခံကြောင်း လက်မှတ်ကောက်ခံခြင်း၊ စတစ်ကာလှုပ်ရှားမှု ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းတို့ပါ ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။

အဆိုပါ ထောက်ခံပွဲသို့ ရန်ကုန်မြို့တော်ဝန် ဦးမောင်မောင်စိုးလည်း တက်ရောက်လာခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရသည်။ ထောက်ခံပွဲကျင်းပနေစဉ် ၎င်းက မြို့တော်ခန်းမတွင်းမှ ထွက်လာပြီး လူအုပ်ကြားထဲသို့ လာရောက် ပူးပေါင်းခဲ့သည်။

ထောက်ခံပွဲသို့ ရန်ကုန်မြို့တော်ဝန် ဦးမောင်မောင်စိုးလည်း တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ဓာတ်ပုံ-စတိဗ်တစ်ခ်နာ

ထောက်ခံပွဲသို့ ရန်ကုန်မြို့တော်ဝန် ဦးမောင်မောင်စိုးလည်း တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ဓာတ်ပုံ-စတိဗ်တစ်ခ်နာ

သို့သော် အသက် ၆၁ နှစ်အရွယ်ရှိ ဒေါ်သန်းသန်းဝင်းက ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ပြင်ဆင်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို တပ်မတော်က မည်သို့တုန့်ပြန်မည်ဆိုသည်ကို အလွန်ပူပန်နေသည်ဟု ပြောကြားသည်။

ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ရက်သတ္တပတ်အကုန်က ရန်ကုန်မြို့တွင် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့် သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် တပ်မတော်အရာရှိများက “ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ၏ အနှစ်သာရ” အား ပြောင်းလဲစေမည့် မည်သည့် ပြင်ဆင်မှုများကိုမဆို လက်ခံမည်မဟုတ်ဟု ပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။

ပညာရှင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သူ Melissa Crouch က နယ်စပ်ဒေသများတွင် တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ခိုက်နေသောကြောင့် တပ်မတော်အနေဖြင့် “ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အခန်းကဏ္ဍ” မှ ပါဝင်နေခြင်းကို “အဓိက အနှစ်သာရ” ဟု ဆိုလိုခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု အေအက်ဖ်ပီကို ပြောကြားသည်။

“တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်တွေ လှုပ်ရှားမှု မရှိတော့တဲ့အချိန်အထိ စစ်တပ်အနေနဲ့ ပါဝင်နေဖို့ လိုအပ်နေဦးမယ်ဆိုတာ သူတို့က ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်းပြောထားပြီး ဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအား ကျွမ်းကျင်သူလည်းဖြစ်ကာ New South Wales တက္ကသိုလ်၏ တွဲဖက်ဥပဒေပါမောက္ခဖြစ်သူ ၎င်းကပြောသည်။



အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်က ဦးဆောင်သည့် ကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များအား ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာစွာ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုအား ပါဝင်ခွင့်ပြုသင့်သည်ဟု ၎င်းကဆက်လက်ပြောကြားသည်။

ထောက်ခံပွဲတက်ရောက်လာသည့် ဦးမြင့်စိုးက ထိုအချက်ကို ထောက်ခံခဲ့သည်။

“ဒီကော်မတီက NLD အတွက်မဟုတ်ဘူး၊ အစိုးရအတွက်လည်း မဟုတ်ဘူး၊ လွှတ်တော်ထဲက အမတ်တွေအတွက်လည်း မဟုတ်ဘူး။ မြန်မာတစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးက ပြည်သူတွေအားလုံးအတွက်ပါ” ဟု အသက် ၄၆ နှစ်ရှိပြီဖြစ်သည့် ၎င်းကပြောသည်။

(အေအက်ဖ်ပီနှင့် Frontier)